In Chad, livestock is often described as the “second udder” of the economy after oil. Its contribution is vital for socio-economic stability, although its statistical weight varies according to source and calculation methodology.

Estimates of the share in National GDP range from 18% of GDP in direct value added, rising to ~53% across the full value chain including own-consumption (AfDB/PAPCVL). Recent INSEED reports indicate average growth of livestock and hunting activity of 5.9% over the period 2019-2022.

1. Livestock dominates the rural sector and represents about 37% to 53% of agricultural GDP.
2. The sector generates about 30% of the country’s total exports and more than 50% of non-oil exports.
3. It supports about 40% of the total population and more than 70% of the rural population.

Chad’s national accounts, although they migrated to the SNA in 2008, face major methodological challenges.

Chad exports live animals almost exclusively: meat exports (US$131k) are ~1/740th of live-animal exports (US$97m), indicating virtually no domestic processing value addition. Chad’s livestock exports crossed a historic threshold to reach 220 billion FCFA (about 360 million US dollars) according to consolidated official data from the Bank of Central African States (BEAC). Customs records 56bn FCFA in formal live-animal exports (Table 8), of which 35.7bn (64%) went to Cameroon; BEAC’s 220bn FCFA is a consolidated estimate including informal trade — the two figures are not directly comparable.

The national and institutional data gaps cited above limit the formal recognition of pastoral contributions, thereby hampering the design of appropriate public policies and investments.

The true economic value of pastoralism remains underestimated, which obscures its crucial role in food security and regional value chains.

Closing these data gaps or shortfalls is a strategic priority in order to quantify the real contribution of pastoralists and to fully integrate the sector into national development strategies.

In Chad, there is a diversity of domestic-ruminant livestock systems. A classification based on the degree of mobility of herders and their livestock, the level of integration of crops with livestock, and the mode of management and use of space allows two main ones to be distinguished: the pastoral system and the agropastoral system. To these two extensive systems (of varying degrees) are added the agro-herders (farmers owning a few animals) and the peri-urban systems oriented toward intensification (farms), which are very much in the minority. Studies characterizing livestock systems, and above all estimating their importance and performance, are sorely lacking (Hiernaux et al., 2021).

Livestock in Chad represents a major economic pillar that contributes more than 50% of the rural sector’s GDP. The management of the national herd (estimated at more than 100 million head of livestock) rests on a great diversity of production systems dictated by the country’s agroecological zones.

2.2.1 Pastoral system (extensive and mobile)

This system rests entirely on the mobility of herds (transhumance and nomadism) to exploit natural water and pasture resources. Agriculture is almost non-existent or secondary. The species concerned by this system are cattle in the centre-south, camels in the north, and sheep and goats across the whole territory. It concentrates about 80% of the national herd.^[1] It is subdivided into long-range nomadism (north-Saharan, ≈11%) and seasonal transhumance (Sahelo-Sudanian, ≈21%).

2.2.2 Agropastoral system

This system combines mobile livestock keeping with rain-fed subsistence agriculture. Herders practise short transhumance and grow cereals (millet, sorghum) around their home areas (terroirs). This system manages a significant share of the sedentary/low-amplitude category, estimated overall at between 10 and 15% of the national herd.

2.2.3 Mixed crop-livestock system (sedentary)

Practised mainly in the Sudanian zone (in the South), where agriculture is the main activity. Farmers own small sedentary herds used for animal traction, manure production and savings. This system represents about 5 to 8% of the overall herd but holds a significant proportion of draught animals.

2.2.4 Intensive and peri-urban system

Located around the large urban agglomerations (such as N’Djaména), this system is oriented toward rapid commercialization. It includes intensive cattle/sheep fattening and modern dairy farms. Very much a minority, this model represents less than 1 to 2% of the national herd but is progressing rapidly owing to urban demand.

2.2.5 Main pastoral groups and geographic distribution

The dynamics of Chadian livestock keeping are deeply linked to specialized ethnic and cultural groups, distributed from the north to the south of the territory along the isohyets:

• The Goranes (Toubou, Anakaza, Daza): Present in the Saharan and northern zone (Borkou, Ennedi, Tibesti, Kanem, Barh El Gazel). They are predominantly keepers of dromedaries and small ruminants, adapted to hyper-arid environments.
• The pastoral Arabs (cattle keepers or “Baggara”, camel keepers or “Abbala”): They occupy an immense band in the centre of the country (Ouaddaï, Batha, Chari-Baguirmi, Hadjer-Lamis, Salamat). They manage the major part of the cattle herd and practise long-distance transhumance toward the south during the dry season.
• The Fulani (Mbororo, Foulbé): Traditionally mobile, they move mainly in the southern Sahelian zone and the Sudanian zone (Mayo-Kebbi, Logone, Moyen-Chari). Their movements extend increasingly toward the far south owing to climate change.
• The Zaghawa and Bideyat: Located in the East and North-East of the country (Ennedi and Wadi Fira regions). They are pastoralists specialized in keeping small ruminants and dromedaries.
• The Kanembou and Boudouma: Established mainly in the Lake Chad region, they exploit the island pastures and notably manage the local Kouri cattle breed (characterized by its enlarged floating horns).

Chad is a major livestock country, with one of the largest national herds in its region, estimated in 2021 at 134,351,938 head of livestock according to data updated by the General Livestock Census Bureau (now DRSE). This herd is distributed by species in the table below:

The last exhaustive official inventory at the national scale is the General Livestock Census (RGE), whose field-collection phase took place in 2015, with official publication of the final results by the Ministry of Livestock and the FAO in Chad in 2018.

In order to keep the statistics up to date, the General Livestock Census Bureau carries out regular projections and updates. The most recent consolidated official data date from 2021. Ruminants (goats, sheep, cattle) form the core of the sector and represent more than 85% of total mammal numbers.

The evolution of the Chadian herd over the last 20 years shows a spectacular overall increase, characterized by a near-doubling of total numbers.

• Exponential growth: In 2007, estimates from the Directorate of Pastoral Studies and Statistics (DESP) reported only 6.9 million sheep, 6.1 million goats and 2.8 million cattle. The shift to more than 33 million cattle and 40 million small ruminants shows strong alignment with the overall demographic growth rate of the region.
• Change in structure: Small ruminants (sheep and goats) increased more rapidly than cattle, because they adapt better to the recurrent drought cycles of the Sahelian zone.
• Capitalization: This dynamism confirms that the pastoral sector serves as a bank on the hoof for rural households, representing essential financial capital for about 40% of the rural population.

The precise calculation of the animal population in Chad runs into major structural constraints that affect the regularity and absolute reliability of the databases:

1. The high mobility of herds: The Chadian livestock system is predominantly characterized by nomadic pastoralism and long-distance transhumance (national and cross-border). Counting animals in constant movement creates significant risks of double-counting or omissions.
2. The vastness and landlockedness of the territory: Covering the Sahelian and Saharan zones (North and Centre) represents a colossal logistical and financial challenge, limiting the frequency of exhaustive censuses (several decades have elapsed between the major inventory operations).
3. The reluctance of herders: Livestock owners often equate the counting of animals with future fiscal pressure (pastoral levies or taxes), which leads to sometimes underestimated declarations.
4. The lack of permanent statistical infrastructure: Although FAO supports the establishment of a Permanent Livestock Statistics System (SPSE), the inter-census data often rest on theoretical projection models based on calving and mortality rates, rather than on regular physical counts.

Livestock is the major economic pillar of rural and pastoral households in Chad. It constitutes a vital source of income, a food and financial safety net, and a driver of empowerment for local populations. It employs about 80% of the active population (rural and pastoral sectors included) and generates direct or indirect income for about 40% of the country’s total population.

Data on the income generation of pastoral households remain non-exhaustive. However, a few studies provide useful information:

PRAPS TD baseline survey

Within the framework of the implementation of PRAPS 1 in Chad, the first baseline survey was carried out between 2017-2018 (final report submitted in December 2018) in the PRAPS-Chad intervention area covering 12 regions, which are: Hadjer Lamis, Kanem, Barh Al Ghazal, Batha, Guéra, Borkou, Ennedi East and Ennedi West, Wadi Fira, Ouaddaï, Sila and the Lac region.

The survey covered a sample of 459 pastoral and agropastoral households and showed that almost all of these households are headed by men, at 98%. Pastoral and agropastoral households generate average overall incomes of 2,235,171 FCFA/year. Half of the surveyed households have average incomes exceeding 994,600 FCFA, while the other half generate average incomes below this amount.

Households derive their income mainly from sales of live animals, which represent a proportion of 41.8% of the income generated. The marketing of agricultural products constitutes the second-largest source of income with a share of 24.7% of overall income. Sales of agricultural products are particularly important in the regions of Batha, Hadjer-Lamis and Guera, which represent respectively 30, 22 and 16% of the agricultural income generated. These regions benefit from climatic conditions favourable to the practice of these activities, or to recession (décrue) crops as in the Batha region. Own-consumption is assessed at 21.3% of overall income, while sales of dairy products contribute only 2.6%. This reflects in particular the importance of own-consumption of dairy and agricultural products in terms of their contribution to food security, as well as households’ trade-off between the consumed and marketed shares. This income from own-consumption was valued at market price and counted as “non-monetary” income. As for the other sources of income, their share is assessed at 9.6%. These included wages, income from other activities such as trade, transfers and subsidies. (Wane et al., 2017)

The livestock sector in Chad is a major socio-economic pillar that supports about 40% of the national population and contributes 53% of the rural sector’s GDP.

• 80% of the national active population works in the rural development sector, including agriculture and livestock combined.
• 40% of the total population (mainly rural) derives its direct or indirect income from livestock activity.
• More than 50% of the labour force of this rural and pastoral world is composed of women, who play a central role in herd management and the sale of derived products.
• 80% of the herd is managed through a mobile pastoral livestock system (transhumance), which generates community-based and seasonal employment.

According to RGE 2018, 827,167 households are headed by livestock keepers — 451,724 (54.6%) male and 375,443 (45.4%) female.

The analysis of the employment structure highlights a clear distinction between direct employment, strongly linked to traditional pastoralism, and indirect employment in the process of being structured.

3.2.1. Analysis of direct employment

Direct employment encompasses the activities in immediate contact with the animal and its derived products. [8]

• Livestock and Production: This segment employs the majority of the rural labour force. About 80% of the Chadian herd depends on the mobile pastoral system (transhumance and nomadism). The jobs there are essentially family-based, non-salaried, and based on the daily management of herds, guarding and milking.
• Livestock Trade: Chad is a leading livestock exporter in its sub-region. The commercial network mobilizes thousands of people: herder-sellers, local intermediaries (Dallali), cross-border buyers and the drovers who move livestock on foot or by truck to Nigeria, Cameroon or the Republic of the Congo.
• Product Processing: This sector is gradually professionalizing. It includes dairy-farm operators, butchers and leather craftsmen (hides and skins). The industrialization projects (such as the construction of modern abattoirs and special processing zones) aim to create more formal jobs for young people.

3.2.2. Analysis of indirect employment

Indirect employment encompasses the services and supply chains indispensable to maintaining the value chain.

• Input Supply: The shrinking of pastoral spaces is pushing toward sedentarization. This stimulates employment in the manufacture and sale of concentrated feed (cottonseed cake), mineral supplements and equipment for peri-urban livestock keeping.
• Transport and Logistics: Faced with the difficulties of transhumance on foot (agropastoral conflicts, insecurity), the transport of livestock by truck is gaining ground. This shift generates jobs for long-haul drivers, mechanics, loaders and logistics-yard managers.
• Veterinary and Sanitary Services: This component employs qualified professionals: veterinary doctors, livestock technicians and animal-health agents. They work within the public services of the Ministry of Livestock, in private practices, or in international organizations such as VSF, ICRC, etc. They ensure vaccination, the treatment of pathologies and sanitary control in markets.

The main activities carried out by the population of pastoral households are essentially agriculture and livestock keeping. Among males, agriculture (excluding market gardening) represents 70.8% of the activities carried out, against 11.3% for livestock. Likewise, among women, agriculture represents 71.8% and livestock 10.4%. (RGE, 2018)

NB: This trend is more pronounced in rural areas, where the proportion of men with agriculture as their main activity is 75.7%, against 76.7% for women. In urban areas, by contrast, the proportion of people practising agriculture is 45.1% for men and 45.6% for women.

However, agriculture remains the main activity most practised by the pastoral population, followed by livestock (11.3% of men and 10.4% of women) and trade (5.7% of men and 5.8% of women). It is also noted that, in urban areas, there are as many civil-servant household members practising livestock keeping as household members carrying out livestock keeping as their main activity (respectively 11% and 10.5% among men, against 10% and 10.1% among women).

In the pastoral and arid zones of the country, livestock is not only a production activity but the central mechanism of adaptation and the main financial safety net of households in the face of a hostile environment.

In the arid and Sahelian ecosystems, the herd fulfils three interdependent resilience functions:

• 1.1. Maximizing transhumant mobility

  • Transhumance makes it possible to exploit the spatio-temporal variability of pastures and water points.
  • By moving herds from the arid north to the Sudanian south in the dry season, herders transform marginal and non-cultivable lands into high-value-added protein (milk, meat).

• 1.2. Livestock constitutes a bank on the hoof

  • Livestock acts as a liquid savings account and a reserve asset.
  • In the absence of access to formal rural financial services, the sale of small ruminants (sheep, goats) makes it possible to finance the immediate purchase of cereals during the lean season or to cover urgent expenses (health, education).

• 1.3. Diversification of food and income contributions

  • Milk and its derivatives (butter, cheese) stabilize the family diet.
  • The sale of dairy products provides pastoral women with regular autonomous income, thereby creating a direct barrier against acute food insecurity.

Despite its intrinsic flexibility, the Chadian pastoral system undergoes violent cumulative shocks (climatic, sanitary and security-related) that cause a relatively accelerated decapitalization of households.

3.3.1 Climate shocks and biomass degradation

The poor distribution of rainfall in time and space regularly generates massive biomass deficits. Prolonged droughts cause early exhaustion of pastures and immediate mortality of animals by starvation.

Moreover, Chad also faces record floods that break the transhumance routes, drown livestock and destroy pastoral infrastructure.

3.3.2 Epizootics and sanitary barriers

According to IOM survey data among transhumant herders (notably in the Lac province), 68% of pastoral households report massive livestock losses, the great majority (93%) being attributed to seasonal animal diseases for lack of adequate and accessible vaccination coverage.

3.3.3 Insecurity and deadly conflicts

The shrinking of transhumance corridors caused by the advance of the agricultural front and the expansion of villages blocks the historic livestock passage routes. Tensions linked to shared access to natural resources generate extremely violent agropastoral conflicts. By way of example, the recurrent inter-community clashes (such as those of Mandakao in 2024) result in dozens of human losses and massive thefts of entire herds.

Moreover, in the Lake Chad zone, herders are doubly penalized by the recurrent livestock theft perpetrated by extremist armed groups and by financial scams.

3.3.4 Consequences/impact on the well-being of pastoral households

The collapse of livestock capital structurally destroys the living conditions of pastoral communities:

• Distress sales and decapitalization: Faced with the lack of fodder, herders sell off their animals at derisory prices to buy food. This “decapitalization” reduces their livelihoods to nothing in the long term.
• Deterioration of food consumption: The loss of animals stops milk production. Combined with the surge in cereal prices on disconnected markets, it tips many provinces into acute food crisis (IPC Phase 3).
• Impoverishment and forced sedentarization: Deprived of herds, herders undergo extreme impoverishment, forcing them to abandon mobility to convert to rural exodus or precarious day labour.

NB: The table in the annex of the document shows a chronological evolution of the various shocks.

Livestock plays an important role in the economy of many countries, particularly in Chad, where it constitutes a fundamental pillar of rural activities. Beyond its income contribution, this sector contributes significantly to food and nutrition security and to the well-being of local communities. Livestock plays a decisive but contrasting role in the country’s food and nutrition security.

However, its immense potential does not prevent the country from facing chronic nutritional vulnerability.

3.4.1 Per-capita consumption of animal-source foods

The consumption of animal-source products in Chad is strongly marked by significant geographic and economic disparities:

• Meat: The national average consumption stands at about 13.4 kg per capita per year (i.e. nearly 36 g per day). It is twice as high in urban areas as in rural areas, owing to the lower purchasing power of rural households, who allocate their herd to sale.^[2]
• Milk: Access to milk depends strongly on lifestyle. Herders and their families consume about 100 litres of milk per year, while city-dwellers and farmers stop at an average of only 9 litres per year.^[3]

3.4.2 Share of animal-source protein (ASP)

Animal-source foods (meat, offal, milk, fish) overall provide only 7% of the total dietary energy supply (DES). The Chadian diet remains little varied and predominantly based on cereals. This low proportion limits the bioavailability of essential micronutrients such as iron, zinc or vitamin A.

3.4.3 Livestock ownership and nutritional outcomes in pastoral areas

Direct access to the herd has a measurable but complex buffering effect on nutritional status:

• Impact on acute malnutrition (wasting): Humanitarian projects, such as those of FAO conducted in Kanem and Barh-El-Gazel, demonstrate that integrated livestock management focused on milk production and consumption significantly reduces acute malnutrition among children under 5 and breastfeeding women during the lean season.
• Impact on chronic malnutrition (stunting): The correlation between livestock ownership and reduction of stunting remains mainly documented by cross-sectional observational studies. The benefits are intimately linked to the direct consumption of fresh milk within the pastoral household. However, in the event of a major climatic or economic crisis, herders sell their livestock to buy cereals, which can paradoxically deteriorate dietary diversity in the long term.

The overall nutritional situation remains classified as worrying to critical:

Regarding global acute malnutrition (GAM), it exceeds the WHO alert threshold of 10% at the national level. The epidemiological analyses (2025 SMART surveys) indicate that 15 of the 23 provinces are critically affected. About 2 million children aged 6 to 59 months suffer from acute malnutrition over the annual cycle.

As for stunting, it affects +31.9% of children under five at the national level, reaching alarming peaks of nearly 48.2% in the Lake zone.

Finally, acute food insecurity: Exacerbated by regional conflicts (influx of Sudanese refugees in the East), inflation and climate shocks (floods), the population in need of food assistance regularly oscillates between 2.5 and 3.8 million people, particularly during the lean season from June to September.

The marketing of livestock rests on a network of interconnected markets and long cross-border circuits, while the value chain undergoes a strategic transition from a traditional on-the-hoof model toward an industrialization of meat. The country has more than 135 livestock markets, of which 71 are considered major by the authorities. There are several types of livestock market:

1. Collection or bush markets (primary): Located in rural production areas, supplied directly by the surrounding pastoralists and agropastoralists. They allow herders to sell their first animals to meet immediate financial needs.
2. Grouping markets (secondary): Relatively better-equipped infrastructure (such as the Karmé market) where intermediaries and large traders assemble the animals into homogeneous lots. The large intermediate towns such as Massakory, Ati, Moussoro, Abéché and Karmé, for example.
3. Terminal and border markets: N’Djamena (urban consumption), Bongor or Pala (export gateways to Cameroon and Nigeria).

(Production zone / Herders)

│

▼

Collection markets (Rural) ──► Local consumption

│

▼

Grouping / Relay markets ──► Urban abattoirs (N’Djamena)

│

▼

Border/Terminal markets ──► Exports (Nigeria, Cameroon, CAR, Gabon)

In Chad, livestock markets constitute the heart of the pastoral value chain. Each actor plays a precise economic and social role there to ensure the supply of meat and the generation of income. The value chain rests on a network of interconnected actors, often structured by traditional, family or ethnic ties. It coexists between a historical low-value-added model and a relatively emerging industrial modernization.

[Pastoral Production] ➔ [Collection / Intermediaries] ➔ [Terminal Markets] ➔ [On-the-Hoof Export] (Traditional Chain) ➔ [Slaughter & Processing] ➔ [Meat Export] (Modern Chain)

Historically, the country’s infrastructure suffers from a lack of facilities; the markets are placed on simple open, unfenced spaces, without water points or shade.

However, programmes such as PRAPS 2 are modernizing the network:

• Construction of modern fenced markets with holding pens (zeriba).
• Installation of vaccination corridors, water-supply systems (pastoral boreholes) and drinking troughs.
• Establishment of community management committees to ensure maintenance.

Furthermore, the offtake rate and the price dynamics of livestock are explained as follows:

• Offtake rate: Livestock markets open on a weekly basis; the main markets display strong vitality. For example, on a dynamic market, a herder can sell off nearly half of his animals in a single day.
• Price variability: The price of an adult bovine varies strongly according to its conformation, the season and the destination. A large bovine can reach 700,000 FCFA on a grouping market, while small ruminants fluctuate around 75,000 FCFA.
• Seasonality: Prices fall at the end of the dry season (lack of pastures, weakened animals) and rise sharply during the rainy season (natural fattening) and during religious festivals (Tabaski, Christmas).
• Price paradox: High-value large livestock is almost exclusively exported on the hoof to Nigeria because local butchers cannot make the purchase profitable against national purchasing power. Chadian domestic consumption is therefore oriented toward lower-value animals.

As for meat processing, Chad has 2 large functional modern industrial abattoirs (the AFF in N’Djamena and the CIAL in Moundou) and 48 developed slaughter areas.

The marketing of livestock rests on a network of interconnected markets and long cross-border circuits, while the value chain undergoes a strategic transition from a traditional on-the-hoof model toward an industrialization of meat.

Four axes structure the marketing flows of Chadian livestock on the hoof, which are:

• The West corridor (Nigeria axis via Cameroon): This is the most dynamic and most important corridor. Animals coming from the Sahelian zones (Kanem, Bahr el Ghazal, Hadjer-Lamis) transit through interconnection markets such as Massakory, Massaguet or Dourbali, then cross the border via N’Djaména, Bongor, Pala or Fianga toward North Cameroon to supply the large urban centres of Nigeria (Lagos, Kano, Maiduguri).
• The North corridor (Libya axis): This network is mainly specialized in the conveyance of dromedaries and small ruminants from the northern regions (Borkou, Ennedi, Tibesti and Wadi Fira).
• The East circuit (Sudan axis): Less formal, this circuit drains cattle and small ruminants from the eastern provinces such as Ouaddaï, Sila and Wadi Fira toward the Sudanese markets.
• The South circuit (CAR and Republic of the Congo axis): Traditionally oriented toward the Central African Republic and the ECCAS countries, this circuit undergoes intermittent slowdowns owing to the security instability at the southern borders since 2013.

The gap between formal and informal trade (not recorded by customs) largely dominates the Chadian pastoral economy owing to porous borders and dissuasive internal taxes.

- By way of example

The explanatory factors for the gap are:

• Artisanal and informal markets: Lack of weighing and traceability infrastructure.
• Tracing the transhumance routes: Herders favour the traditional bush tracks to avoid extortion and illicit taxes.
• Fluid capital: Dominant use of cash and community trust networks without banking inclusion.

The highlights and dynamics of the value chain in 2025 include, among others:

• Dominance of animals on the hoof: Formal trade remains dominated by live animals (56 billion FCFA of direct flows identified in 2025). If one includes all the customs circuits and the BEAC’s overall estimates, the overall livestock value chain generates more than 220 billion FCFA per year, which makes it the country’s second source of foreign exchange after oil.
• The challenge of local processing: Exports of processed meat remain nascent but are being structured thanks to the Laham Tchad public-private partnership. The State’s stated objective is to reduce on-the-hoof export in order to capture the value-added at the level of modern abattoirs such as that of Moundou.
• Weight of the informal: The porosity of the borders with Cameroon and Nigeria means that a massive share of livestock escapes official veterinary and customs controls. Data from Cameroon’s INS confirm that Chad is its leading informal supplier of livestock.

The market integration of pastoral communities in Chad is a double-edged process. On the one hand, it validates the driving role of pastoralism in the national and regional economy by creating tangible monetary value. On the other, it weakens the foundations of pastoral mobility, which nonetheless remains the strategy best adapted to arid Sahelian environments. Without strong public policies combining land-tenure security, mobile infrastructure and adapted financing systems, the law of the market risks excluding the most vulnerable herders to the benefit of urban commercial actors.

NB: From the foregoing, the key points to retain are:

• Asymmetry of the value chain: Chad is a pastoral giant with a herd of more than 100 million head. Yet it exports almost exclusively its animals on the hoof (220 billion FCFA), letting the value-added of processing (meat, hides) escape toward the coastal countries.
• Meat balance: Although a major producer, Chad imports more processed meat ($7.39 million) than it formally exports ($131,000) for lack of industrial-scale slaughter infrastructure, despite the recent emergence of modern complexes such as that of Moundou.